Dec. 12, 2012
  Governance Information Bulletin #37 Subscribe | Unsubscribe

Governance and Aid Strategies

Santiago Eizaguirre, Marc Pradel, Albert Terrones, Xavier Martinez-Celorrio and Marisol García
This working paper from Social Polis analyses the relationship between urban governance and social cohesion, stressing the relevance of multilevel policies as well as citizenship practices. It seeks to provide a critical understanding of social cohesion as a policy aim for European cities, and views governance dynamics within the framework of the transformation of the state and the emergence of complex multi-scalar decision-making processes. Beginning with a review of the literature on the transformation of the state with regard to the emergence of a governance-based approach in policy practice, it then offers several examples of new modes of governance in different policy fields, stressing the relationship between governance and territorial cohesion as well as the need for context-sensitive analysis. Thirdly, it addresses the relevance of participatory democracy, social innovation and citizens' practices in fostering democracy, and argues that the analysis of governance should reincorporate the idea of conflict and counter-hegemonic citizenship practices. >>>

Ľubica Debnárová, Věra Řiháčková, Silvia Colombo and Luke March
In this paper written on behalf of MERCURY (Multilateralism and the EU in the Contemporary Global Order), the authors investigate how the EU engages in multilateral rather than bilateral diplomacy with states seeking EU membership. The paper examines how member states address prohibitions against inhuman treatment and the promotion of political pluralism with Bosnia and Herzegovina, Moldova, and Morocco.  Based on these case studies, the authors find that EU states are often inhibited from multilateral action depending on the ‘neighborhood’ or ‘region of the state in question as well as the level of intensity of relations with the EU as a whole. >>>
Melanie O’Brien
In this article, Melanie O’Brien of Griffith University in Australia examines the problematic aspects of prosecuting war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by peacekeeping personnel. O’Brien argues that the lack of prosecutions of criminal misconduct by peacekeepers demonstrates there is a need for alternative judicial procedures and institutions. She claims that if states are unwilling or unable to prosecute peacekeepers, the International Criminal Court ought to serve as such a venue. However, after examining provisions of the Rome Statute and several court cases, she concludes that a charge of crimes against humanity would be infinitely more difficult than war crimes charges due to the required elements of systematic or widespread attack.   >>>
Danish Institute for Human Rights
In this report commissioned by UNDP, UNICEF and UN Women, the Danish Institute for Human Rights proposes new models for strengthening protections of human rights through the use of informal justice systems. Based on research conducted in eighteen developing countries, the report highlights the relevant considerations that development partners must assess when making determinations about how to implement programs involving informal justice systems. It argues that the primary consideration is whether or not support for informal justice systems will reinforce existing societal or structural discrimination. The study also examines the value of informal justice systems in offering flexible structures that are cost-effective in grassroots communities. Further, it frames the principles of programming engagement with informal justice systems and suggests possible entry points to deliver justice and defend human rights. >>>

Elections, Parties, and Parliaments

Herbert Kitschelt and Daniel M. Kselman
In this article, Herbert Kitschelt of Duke University and Daniel M. Kselman of the Juan March Institute examine the relationships among a country’s democratic experience, its level of economic development, and the prevalence of clientelistic and programmatic modes of democratic accountability. In contrast to the commonly accepted wisdom that clientelistic politics will decrease as a country’s economy develops and its democracy consolidates, the authors argue that clientelism increases as a country moves from low to intermediate levels of democracy and development. They also uncover preliminary evidence that a history of regime instability may have independent consequences on the prevalence of linkage mechanism type. Finally, the results suggest that a country’s level of economic development and exposure to the international economy are more consistent predictors of programmatic effort and coherence than are measures of a country’s regime type. >>>

Alberto Simpser and Daniela Donno
Alberto Simpser of the University of Chicago and Daniela Donno of the University of Pittsburgh argue that high-quality election monitoring can unwittingly induce incumbents to resort to tactics of election manipulation that are damaging to domestic institutions, governance, and freedoms. By preventing certain forms of manipulation such as stuffing ballot boxes, election monitors may encourage the manipulation of courts and administrative bodies as well as repression of the media. The authors use an original-panel dataset of 144 countries in 1990–2007 to test the hypothesis. They find that, on average, high-quality election monitoring has a measurably negative effect on the rule of law, administrative performance, and media freedom. Further, an examination of electoral politics in several cases, including Peru, Armenia, and Zimbabwe, illustrates the negative effects of pre-election manipulation on judicial and legislative independence and governmental accountability. >>>

Noam Lupu and Rachel Beatty Riedl
In this article, Noam Lupu of the Juan March Institute and Rachel Beatty Riedl of Northwestern University provide a theoretical framework for understanding the effects of political uncertainty on party development and strategies of mobilization and competition. The authors define uncertainty as the imprecision with which political actors are able to predict future interactions. They identify three types of political uncertainty: regime uncertainty, economic uncertainty, and institutional uncertainty. They argue that political uncertainty is particularly high among developing democracies, contributing to puzzling empirical patterns of party development and competition in these contexts. Lupu and Riedl suggest scholars should take into account the role of uncertainty in the strategic decision making of party elites to better understand the differences between parties in advanced and developing democracies. Such an understanding will ultimately help scholars understand the less dramatic differences between parties even within advanced democracies. >>>

This paper published by IDEA discusses some of the main issues of electoral administration amid transitions to democracy and makes recommendations for policy-makers and practitioners. The paper suggests that an Independent Model of electoral management may be the most suitable for most transitional contexts, while electoral management bodies (EMBs) based on governmental or mixed models may find it more difficult to build credibility as an impartial arbiter of electoral contests. It is recommended that the independence of the EMB should be enshrined at the constitutional level, EMB commissioners should be selected for their professional skills and competence, and an EMB in transition must distinguish itself from its predecessor and establish an institutional image that affirms its political independence. Detailed case studies of three transitions, in Chile, Ghana and Indonesia are included. >>>


Carolyn Kissane
In this paper, Carolyn Kissane of the Center for Global Affairs (CGA) at New York University argues that the true political reform in Afghanistan is contingent upon solving the problem of women‘s education. She argues that the democratization of education requires a pluralistic model that involves State and nongovernmental sectors to make education accessible and acceptable to the greatest number of Afghans possible. Kissane suggests that a mode of education that teaches and encourages critical thought, ijtihad, and introduces concepts of gender equality—supported by Qur‘anic scholarship led by Islamic feminists—is imperative. This model of education embodies a bottom-up approach that blends secular and faith-based institutions while remaining focused on the needs and interests of Afghan women and girls. >>>

Côte d’Ivoire

Jonas Wirke Schlein Andersen
This thesis by Jonas Wirke Schlein Andersen examines how and to what extent the introduction of multiparty democracy changed the power balance in the Ivorian society, and what impact those changes had on political behavior and organization, and thereby on the increasing political instability that escalated into civil war. It highlights the complex interplay between democratization, economic institutions and political organizations in Côte d’Ivoire, which led to the emergence of a repressive version of "competitive clientelism." While the mechanisms of democratization only empowered lower level agents at a slow pace, the analysis reveals that the primary forces that destabilized the political settlement were economic. Democratization only indirectly affected political destabilization as voter mobilization strategies in the specific structures of Ivorian political organization hampered the possibilities of coalition building and exacerbate the ensuing conflict. >>>


E. Gyimah-Boadi and Theo Yakah
This working paper was prepared within the UNU-WIDER project "Foreign Aid and Democracy in Africa." E. Gyimah-Boadi and Theo Yakah argue that although external democracy assistance has been a crucial factor in Ghana’s steady evolution into an electoral democracy over the past two decades, persistent gaps in Ghana’s democracy show that that even sustained external support and encouragement cannot easily overcome local elite resistance as well as structural and cultural obstacles prevailing in the domestic environment. They argue that the future of Ghanaian democratic development will depend increasingly on domestic political and social factors. Specifically, they point to changes to the 1992 Constitution affecting the internal rules of the legislature and the impact of the country’s emerging oil and gas resources. >>>


J. Andrew Harris
In this paper, J. Andrew Harris, a Ph.D. Candidate in Government at the Harvard University, examines patterns of violent ethnic targeting during Kenya's 2007- 2008 post-election violence and estimate the impact of that targeting on local ethnic demography. Harris focuses on patterns of arson, one of the key types of violence used to displace certain ethnic sub-groups. The author finds that patterns of arson are related to the presence of ethnic outsiders in the region, and even more strongly related to measures of land quality, accessibility of targets, and local electoral competition. By comparing ethnic composition before and after the post-election violence, he shows that arson caused a significant decrease in the number of Kikuyu registered to vote in the Rift Valley, and that other ethnic groups do not experience this decrease. This result supports narrative accounts of ethnic targeting during Kenya's 2007-2008 post-election violence, and provides systematic evidence of the effects of the post-election violence on local ethnic composition in Kenya. >>>


International Crisis Group

This latest report from the International Crisis Group describes how much of the Ahtisaari Plan – the blueprint for Kosovo’s independence with extensive rights for Serbs and other minorities – has been implemented in areas under government control. The major issues in achieving full independence are inadequate representation of Serbs in Kosovo’s south and Belgrade’s parallel control of northern Serbs via salary and pension payments as well as the operation of health care and education services without input from Pristina. The report recommends direct communication between governments in Pristina and Belgrade to work out agreements on registration and licensing of Serbia-funded entities and to foster other forms of cooperation at the municipal level to avoid corruption, duplication and waste of limited resources. Belgrade should not discourage Serbs in Kosovo from cooperating with Kosovar institutions and should replace its parallel municipal structures with liaison offices to provide for the needs of the Serb community while complying with Kosovo law. >>>

Middle East

Mansoor Moaddel

In this article, Mansoor Moaddel from the University of Michigan juxtaposes two clusters of theories by assessing their explanatory power in predicting participation in revolutionary movements. The analysis of survey data from a nationally representative sample of 3,143 Egyptian adults identified three sets of variables that are linked to participation: 1) attitudes against the government and attitudes in favor of alternative sociopolitical orders, individual efficacy, dysphoric emotions, and immorality; 2) mediums of communicative power as the Internet, mobiles, and opposition newspapers; 3) demographics trends including gender, urban residence, and experiences with land ownership under President Mubarak. Moaddel finds that the data provides support for contradictory hypotheses drawn from both clusters of theories. The author suggests rethinking predictors of participation and an understanding of participants as possessing manifold and heterogenous identities. >>>

Message from the Editor

SUNY/CID welcomes new and continuing readers to its Governance Information Bulletin (GIB) 37 which draws attention to technical matters involved in strengthening political institutions and to broader issues of aid strategies, democracy assistance, public sector performance, and to countries and regions where SUNY/CID is working.  Each entry provides a link to a larger piece of research in the title and at the end of the entry.

In this issue, please find recent reports, summaries, and publications on development by development professionals from Social Polis, AusAID, the Danish Institute for Human Rights, and other organizations and universities. In addition, all previous issues can be found at the SUNY/CID website here.

We welcome all questions, comments and suggestions at

In This Issue

* Multilevel Governance and Social Cohesion: Bringing Back Conflict and Citizenship Practices

* The EU Neighbourhood and Comparative Modernisation 

* Protectors on Trial? Prosecuting Peacekeepers for War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity in the International Criminal Court

* Informal Justice Systems: Charting a Course for Human Rights-Based Engagement

* Economic Development, Democratic Experience, and Political Parties’ Linkage Strategies

* Can International Election Monitoring Harm Governance?

* Political Parties and Uncertainty in Developing Democracies

* Electoral Management during Transition: Challenges and Opportunities

* The Way Forward for Girls’ Education in Afghanistan

* Democracy - a Game Changer? From Patrimonial Stability to Civil War: a Political Settlement Analysis of Côte d’Ivoire 1960-2002

* Ghana: The Limits of External Democracy Assistance

* “Stain Removal”: Measuring the Effect of Violence on Local Ethnic Demography in Kenya

* Setting Kosovo Free: Remaining Challenges

* The Arab Spring and Egyptian Revolution Makers: Predictors of Participation

Development and Governance Blogs

The Department for International Development blog highlights the model of secondary educational programs for girls in Ghana put forth by the NGO Camfed.

In lieu of its recently received Nobel Peace Prize the EU, the European Commission Blog reviews values and actions that the European Union. Marc Lynch at Foreign Policy discusses the key findings of the second wave of the Arab Barometer, which measures of degree of support for democracy in the Middle East.

The Public Financial Management Blog identifies some key dimensions of public sector debt so that important misunderstandings of global debt statistics can be avoided.

Modernizing Foreign Assistance Network urges the Obama administration to continue to push forward on steps it has taken to increase aid transparency through the Open Government Partnership and the Foreign Assistance Transparency and Accountability Act of 2012.

The Center for International Private Enterprise Development Blog reflects on the presidential elections in Venezuela from the perspective of election observers invited by the opposition Democratic Unity Coalition (MUD).

Democracy Digest discusses how Burma transformed from a military-dominated authoritarian state to a quasi-civilian government while avoiding a backlash by hard-liners and enticing the opposition into legitimating reforms.

The World Bank Chief Economist for Africa reflects on the factors contributing to the growing population in Tanzania and its impact on future issues.

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